目 录
前 言 ...................................................... 2 学生必须完成的 四件大事和十七个细节 ........................... 4 导师必须关注的 六件大事和十七个细节 ........................... 6 毕业论文范本说明 .............................................. 8 毕业论文（设计）诚信声明书 ................................... 10 毕业论文（设计）版权使用授权书 ............................... 11 国际关系学院成人学历教育专升本 毕业论文 指导教师信息表 ....... 12 国际关系学院专升本毕业论文指导记录表 ......................... 13 成人学历教育 专升本毕业论文 .................................. 16 国际关系学院成人学历教育 专升本毕业论文评定表 ................ 60
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前 言
《成人学历教育专升本毕业论文范本》依照国际关系学院《本科毕业论文（设计）指导手册》有关毕业论文的部分规定，并结合成人学历教育和英语毕业论文写作自身的规定制定出来，专供继续教育处成人学历教育专升本学生写作学士论文以及导师指导论文参考。这本手册精选了英语系2002级张璇同学的英译中毕业论文，该论文结构完整，包括封面、梗概、目录、译文、原文、注释及参考文献目录共计10项内容，为撰写词类选题论文的学生 提供论文写作的模式以及一些基本规则，也作为指导论文的导师指导论文时的参考和依据。
此外，为使论文写作的格式更趋正规化和规范化，要求论文草稿与终稿均应以电脑操作并打印出来，且论文的页面、字号及字体等方面应按统一要求设置。本手册不是一本为学习撰写英语语言与文学专业学士论文而编写的教材，其目的仅在于为学士论文的格式做出一些规范。希望学生们认真研读并参照范文，严格遵守统一要求；同时希望指导教师们在评阅论文时按照规定格式严格把关。
英 语 系
二〇一一年六月
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成人学历教育专升本学士论文安排及要求
1. 各位学生最迟于2011年7月底之前主动与自己的导师见面
联系，汇报自己的论文写作意向，听取导师的指导。请导师监督执行并给学生布置暑期任务。
2. 根据学校教务处规定，以英语撰写论文篇幅大约为3,000
字至3,500字左右，英译汉篇幅大约在5,000汉字至5,500汉字左右。
3. 学生应在2011年10月底上交论文打印初稿，论文格式要
严格按照英语系印发的《英语系专升本毕业论文范本》。
4. 导师将在2011年11月初发还初稿并提出修改意见，学生应于2011年11月中旬提交论文第二稿。
5. 导师将在2011年11月底之前返回第二稿，学生应于2011
年12月初上交定稿，包括打印稿以及论文电子版。此外，学生还应上交已填写完毕的《国际关系学院成人学历教育专升本毕业论文指导手册》。
6. 要求每位学生在提交电子版时，应先将自己论文的10项内容按顺序合成在一个WORD文档中，最后由各班班长或学习委员统一将所有学生的论文电子版收集在一个文件夹以班级形式上交。
7. 全部学士论文工作将在2011年12月中旬之前结束。
8. 在论文写作全过程中，为便于沟通，学生应尽量与导师见面，
听取指点，商量论文写作事宜，见面时学生必须携带自己的《国际关系学院成人学历教育专升本毕业论文指导手册》以便随时做相关记录和填表使用。
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成人学历教育专升本学士论文
学生必须完成的 四件大事和十七个细节
1. 根据《成人学历教育专升本学士论文安排与要求》的时间表
按期完成各阶段的任务。
2. 以翻译为选题的毕业论文应依次包括如下几项内容，在导师
的监督下学生应认真完成： 1) 论文封面； 2) 扉页；
3) Acknowledgments （以英文写作）; 4) Contents;
5) Abstract (先英文，后中文，字数各约为200字左右)； 6) 中文译文；（字数约为5000汉字左右） 7) 英文原文；
8) Comment （以中文写作，字数300-400汉字）； 9) Notes；
10) Bibliography。
以上各项可具体参照印发的《国际关系学院成人学历教育专升本毕业论文范本》
3. 学生应按要求分阶段填写自己的《国际关系学院成人学历
教育专升本毕业论文指导手册》中的如下内容： 1) 填写《毕业论文诚信声明书》；（师生共同填写） 2) 填写《版权使用授权书》；（师生共同填写）
3) 填写《国际关系学院专升本毕业论文指导记录表》，由
导师签字，本手册附六张记录表，请按实际指导次数填写，超出六次，可复印表格填写并附在指导手册中； 4) 填写《国际关系学院成人学历教育专升本毕业论文评
定表》第一页一式两份，
另一份为夹在《手册》中的散页，填写完毕以后，应
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将手册及散页交由导师填写《国际关系学院成人学历教育专升本毕业论文评定表》第二页一式两份。
4. 在完成毕业论文以后，每位学生应该： 1) 提交装订成册的毕业论文定稿； 2) 提交毕业论文电子版，先将自己论文的10项内容按
顺序合成在一个WORD文档中，最后由各班班长或学习委员统一将全班学生的论文电子版收集在一个文件夹以班级形式上交；
3) 提交填写完毕的《成人学历教育专升本毕业论文指导
手册》，内含填好的《国际关系学院成人学历教育专升本毕业论文评定表》散页一张。
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成人学历教育专升本学士论文
导师必须关注的 六件大事和十七个细节
1. 根据《成人学历教育专升本学士论文安排与要求》的时间表
督促学生按期完成各阶段的任务。 2. 以翻译为选题的毕业论文，导师应监督学生认真完成如下几
项内容：
1) 论文封面； 2) 扉页；
3) Acknowledgments （以英文写作）; 4) Contents;
5) Abstract (先英文，后中文，字数约为200字左右)； 6) 中文译文；（字数约为5000汉字左右） 7) 英文原文；
8) Comment （以中文写作，字数300-400汉字） 9) Notes
10) Bibliography (根据论文需要可包括或不包括此项)
以上各项可具体参照印发的《国际关系学院成人学历教育专升本毕业论文范本》
3. 导师应监督学生分阶段填写自己的《国际关系学院成人学
历教育专升本毕业论文指导手册》的如下内容： 1) 督促学生填写《毕业论文诚信声明书》；（师生共同填
写）
2) 督促学生填写《版权使用授权书》；（师生共同填写） 3) 督促学生填写《国际关系学院专升本毕业论文指导记录
表》，由导师签字，本《手册》附六张记录表，请按实际指导次数填写，超出六次，可复印表格填写并附在指导手册中； 4) 监督学生填写《国际关系学院成人学历教育专升本毕业
论文评定表》第一页一式两份，一份在《手册》中第
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14页，一份为《手册》中夹的散页。
4. 导师填写《国际关系学院成人学历教育专升本毕业论文指导
教师信息表》,此表在所指导学生的《国际关系学院成人学历教育专升本毕业论文指导手册》第10页。 5. 导师填写《国际关系学院专升本毕业论文评定表》第二页一
式两份，此表在所指导学生的《国际关系学院成人学历教育专升本毕业论文指导手册》第15页，另一份为《手册》中夹的散页。
6. 学生完成毕业论文以后，导师督促学生：
1) 提交装订成册的毕业论文定稿；
2) 提交毕业论文电子版，先将自己论文的10项内容按顺
序合成在一个WORD文档中，最后由各班班长或学习委员统一将所有学生的论文电子版收集在一个文件夹以班级形式上交；
3) 提交填写完毕的《国际关系学院成人学历教育专升本毕
业论文指导手册》， 内含填好国际关系学院成人学历教育专升本毕业论文评定表》散页一张。
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毕业论文范本说明
一. 《国际关系学院毕业论文指导过程记录表》填写要求：
1. 2. 1.
基本信息部分：宋体，五号，居中
指导过程部分：宋体，五号，两端对齐，单倍行距 中文封面：
1.1. 题目：黑体，二号，加粗，居中。
1.2. 其它信息部分：宋体，三号，加粗，前端对齐。
二. 毕业论文
1.3. 完成时间：黑体，三号，加粗，居中。 2. 英文封面：
2.1. 题目：标题一，Times New Roman，二号，加粗，居中。除了标
题中的一些小词外，其他单词首字母大写。
2.2. 其他部分：正文，Times New Roman，小三，居中（如范例）。作者姓名、完成时间加粗。 3. 页面设置：
A4，上、下、右皆为2.5，左为3，装订线在左边。 4.
感谢:
4.1. 标题：标题2，Times New Roman, 三号，加粗，居中。 4.2. 内容：正文，Times New Roman, 小四， 两端对齐，双倍行距。无页眉，页码为ⅰ，页码居中。每段开头空4个英文字符。 5. 目录：
5.1. 标题：标题2，Times New Roman, 三号，加粗，居中。
5.2. 内容：插入目录，古典风格，1.5倍行距。无页眉，页码为ⅱ，居中。 6.
摘要：
6.1. 标题：标题2，Times New Roman, 三号，加粗，居中。 6.2. 内容：无页眉，页码为ⅲ，页码居中。每段开头空4个英文字符。
6.2.1. 正文英文部分：Times New Roman, 小四，两端对齐，1.5倍行距。
6.2.2. 正文中文部分：宋体，五号，两端对齐，1.5倍行距。
7.
正文：
7.1. 页眉：左端为“英语系XXXX级毕业论文”，中间为论文的题目，
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右端为作者姓名。中文为宋体，英文为Times New Roman，小五，两段对齐。
7.2. 页脚：插入页码，应用阿拉伯数字（1，2，3…），居中。 7.3. 正文标题：
7.3.1. 中文部分：标题3，宋体，小三，加粗，居中，标号为“一.,二.，三.，……‖ 7.3.2. 英文部分: 每章的标题为“Chapter X+标题”，标题3，Times New Roman，三号，加粗，居中。 7.3.3. 每节的标题为“编号+标题”，标题4，Times New Roman, 四号，加粗，居中。 7.4. 正文内容：
7.4.1. 中文部分：宋体，小四，两端对齐，1.5倍行距，每段开头空两格。
7.4.2. 英文部分：Times New Roman， 小四，两端对齐， 1.5倍行距。每段开头空4个英文字符。
8.
评论：
8.1. 标题：标题2，Times New Roman, 三号，加粗，居中。
8.2. 正文：宋体，五号，两端对齐，1.5倍行距，每段开头空两格。 9. 脚注或尾注：脚注或尾注文本，中文宋体，英文Times New Roman, 小10.
五，单倍行距，两端对齐。
参考书目：中文宋体，英文Times New Roman, 五号，单倍行距，两端对齐。先写英文参考书目，后写中文参考书目
三. 《国际关系学院本科生毕业论文评定表》（范本）填写说明： 1. 基本信息部分：宋体，五号，居中 2.
论文提要部分：宋体，五号，单倍行距，两端对齐，每段开头空两格。
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样本
毕业论文（设计）诚信声明书
本人声明：我所提交的毕业论文（设计）《男人的世界之全方位透视酒吧》是我在指导教师指导下独立研究、写作的成果，论文中所引用他人的无论以何种方式发布的文字、研究成果，均在论文中加以说明；有关教师、同学和其他人员对本文的写作、修订提出过并为我在论文中加以采纳的意见、建议，均已在我的致谢辞
中加以说明并深致谢意。
论文作者 张璇 （签字） 时间： 2006 年6 月1 日
指导教师已阅 吴中东（签字） 时间： 2006 年6 月1日
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毕业论文（设计）版权使用授权书
本毕业论文《《男人的世界之全方位透视酒吧》是本人在校期间所完成学业的组成部分，是在国际关系学院教师的指导下完成的，因此，本人特授权国际关系学院可将本毕业论文的全部或部分内容编入有关书籍、数据库保存，可采用复制、印刷、网页制作等方式将论文文本和经过编辑、批注等处理的论文文本提供给读者查阅、参考，可向有关学术部门和国家有关教育主管部门呈送复印件和电子文档。本毕业论文无论做何种处理，必须尊重本人的著作权，署明本人姓名。
论文作者： 张璇 （签字） 时间： 2006 年6 月1日
指导教师已阅 吴中东 （签字） 时间： 2006 年 6 月1 日
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国际关系学院成人学历教育专升本
毕业论文 指导教师信息表
（由导师填写）
教师 姓名 吴中东 系别 英语系 职称 副教授 研究方向 英语语言学，翻译等 已指导本科 论文年限 10年 12
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国际关系学院专升本毕业论文指导记录表
（由学生填写，并由导师签字）
论文题目 指导日期 (英译汉)男人的世界之全方位透视酒吧 2005年12月2日 指导次别 第1次：开题讨论 指 导 内 容 商讨确定选题,决定作英译汉的翻译实践这个论题。在确定选题后要求学生收集合适的翻译材料，范围确定在国际关系，短篇小说及其他论说文章。 指导教师签字：吴中东
国际关系学院专升本毕业论文指导记录表
（由学生填写，并由导师签字）
论文题目 指导日期 (英译汉)男人的世界之全方位透视酒吧 2005年12月23日 指导次别 第2次：提纲讨论 指 导 内 容 对收集的翻译材料进行逐一筛选最后确定翻译“男人的世界之全方位透视酒吧”这篇文章。并要求其参考有关的翻译理论和实践的书。 指导教师签字：吴中东 13
国际关系学院专升本毕业论文指导记录表
（由学生填写，并由导师签字）
论文题目 指导日期 (英译汉)男人的世界之全方位透视酒吧 2006年3月16日 指导 次别 第3次：初稿讨论 指 导 内 容
阅过译文初稿后，对有语病和不准确的句子勾划出，并要求其改正。再次确定翻译标准。 指导教师签字：吴中东 国际关系学院专升本毕业论文指导记录表
（由学生填写，并由导师签字）
论文题目 指导日期 (英译汉)男人的世界之全方位透视酒吧 2006年4月17日 指导 次别 第4次：第二稿讨论 指 导 内 容
阅过译文第二稿后,对语篇和修辞进行修饰和润色。 指导教师签字：吴中东 14
国际关系学院专升本毕业论文指导记录表
（由学生填写，并由导师签字）
论文题目 指导日期 (英译汉)男人的世界之全方位透视酒吧 2006年5月15日 指导 次别 第5次：定稿讨论 指 导 内 容 该译文基本上达到了 “信达雅”之标准。达到合格以上水平。达到了学士学位论文的水平。 指导教师签字：吴中东
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样本
成人学历教育 专升本毕业论文
题目：
男人的世界之全方位透视酒吧
姓 名：张璇 学 号：20021110 系 别：继续教育处 专 业：英语语言与文学 年 级：2002级 导 师：吴中东 完成时间： 2006 年 6 月
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样本
男人的世界
之全方位透视酒吧
A Thesis Submitted to
Department of English Language and Literature
University of International Relations
In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements For the Degree of Bachelor of Arts
By Zhang, Xuan
Under the Supervision of Professor Wu, Zhongdong
June 1, 2006
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Acknowledgements
Special thanks go to my supervisor, Professor Wu Zhongdong, for his kind support and help.
I would like to extend my sincere gratitude to the faculty of English Department, especially all the teachers who have taught me. Without their disinterested help and invaluable guidance, I would not have made such great progress during my four-year undergraduate studies in University of International Relations. I wish to express my hearty thanks to Professor Zhang Shihong, Professor Xu Aijun, Professor Sun Honghong, Professor Yang Anqing, Professor Feng Youmin, Professor Qian Qunqiang, Professor Yan Hui, Professor Sun Shuo and Professor Liang Xiaohui.
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Contents
Acknowledgements Contents Abstract 男人的世界 之全方位透视酒吧 一、“逃离妻子” 二、酒吧发展趋势 三、酒吧文化
Men Only An Investigation into Men’s OrganizationsChapter I. ‗Getting away from the wife‘ Chapter II. Pub trends Chapter III. Pub culture Comment Notes
ii
i ii iii 4 4 4 12 17 26 26 37 44 56 58
样本
Abstract
In this part of the whole book, Barbara Rogers gives us an overall and deep analysis of pubs in Britain in 1980s, including status quo of pubs, pub trends and pub culture especially important role and operation mode of sexism in pub culture.
It is a woman‘s view of the men-only organizations. The language is concise, funny and ironic. It is written primarily for women and will serve as a general introduction and outline of the male establishment and how the big men‘s organizations work It gives us a rare glimpse of the corridors of power, how that power is made and kept by men, and some hard-hitting conclusions on what needs to be done about it all.
在这一章节中，作者芭芭拉·罗杰斯对二十世纪八十年代的英国酒吧进行了全面而深入的剖析，包括酒吧现状、发展趋势、酒吧文化，尤其是男权主义与性别歧视在酒吧文化中的重要地位与运作方式
文章描绘了女性眼中的男性组织，语言简洁、幽默、带有讽刺意味。文章主要为女性而写，向女性们介绍了那些拒绝向女性敞开大门的男人们的世界的一些基本情况及其运作形式，揭示了男人是如何握紧其手中的权力，同时也提出了有关女性在面对这些不平等现象时所需要做的一些建议。
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继续教育处2002级毕业论文 男人的世界 张璇
样本
男人的世界 之全方位透视酒吧i
一、“逃离妻子”
我们了解酒吧。至少，了解曾去过的那些。酒吧已经向女性开放，不再是男人的专属领地。
然而，真是这样吗？自酒吧于上世纪成为主要的社会组织以来，它所发生的变化及未改变的方面有哪些？在不同时代一直存在于拥有不同设施的酒吧各部分之间及酒吧与酒吧之间隐形的隔阂又有哪些？这些都值得我们回头看看酒吧到底是什么样的。在英国，酒吧是十分重要的社会场所。这不仅仅因为它是朋友欢聚一起放松休闲或是人们闲暇无事想独自啜饮时首选的小酒馆，更因为它还是一个重要的会晤场所。酒吧楼上的房间是政党，工会及其他各种会议召开的场所，楼下则是休会时闲聊的地方。 最后同样重要的是，无论酒吧如何受制于习俗与惯例，其毕竟是个公共场所，因而了解酒吧对于了解仅限男士入内场所出现的背景具有十分重要的意义。而且，观察男性如何使用酒吧能为我们研究其他这类场所的心理特点提供重要线索，这些场所当然还包括那些具有秘密性质的，如共济会，精英会，伦敦西区为上
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继续教育处2002级毕业论文 男人的世界 张璇
层人士服务的俱乐部。
接着，让我们从参观几家酒吧开始，来恢复我们关于酒吧印象的记忆。这些酒吧有些不欢迎我们，有些不受我们欢迎。不管怎样，眼见为实。
在伦敦东部一番游走之后，最具代表性的白教堂区被选为调查点。在这个地区，如果派一位女士做观察员将会影响调查效果，选择一位男士调查者似乎更为妥当。因而，酒吧之旅的重任就托付给了本书特邀暗访记者，英勇无畏的詹姆斯·马什。白教堂区混合着传统工薪阶层文化和为迎合中产阶级需要的重建氛围，因而有许多不同风格的酒吧为来自不同群体的顾客服务。酒吧之旅定在一个周五晚上的六点半到十一点间，这正是男人们按惯例去酒吧喝上几杯，也很有可能是女人们出门的时候。
他去的第一家酒吧是位于白教堂区一条马路上的罗德尼伯爵。外部看来显得单调乏味，并不吸引人。原来这是家典型的工人酒吧，装修朴素（也许最近的一次装修也是在50年代）， 没有虚伪做作的舒适感，更无风格可言。几台老虎机是唯一能转移人们注意力的东西。酒吧里的常客是清一色的男性—从中年到老年，或三五成群或独自啜饮。
当他接近酒吧店主或顾客时，迎接他的是怀疑与敌意。酒吧里的常客似乎对这种打扰别人喝酒的行为深恶痛绝，因为在他们看来酒吧就是个喝酒的地方，过多的关心其他事情是十分可笑的。一个爱尔兰老人概括了自己对酒吧的态度：“我来这儿就是为了喝啤酒，其他事情都是瞎扯淡。”他重复了好几遍以使暗访记者能明白他的意思。
在坚持不懈的努力下，詹姆斯终于和一位独自啜饮的客人攀
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继续教育处2002级毕业论文 男人的世界 张璇
谈起来，尽管人家是极不情愿的。这是一个已婚的中年男人，在石油公司上班。每天下班后，在回家吃晚饭前他都习惯去酒吧喝上几品脱啤酒。他觉得酒吧就是供人们安安静静喝酒的地方，他来这不是为了和别人聊天的，虽然他常常能发现一些熟悉的面孔。他之所以选择这家酒吧就因为自己最基本的饮酒需求能在这得到满足。的确，这家酒吧也只能吸引这种只需要一张桌子、一把椅子和一品脱啤酒的男性顾客。
当被问及是否有女性曾出入这家酒吧，他答道：“有时会有一两个人把自己老婆带来。”这意味着这是家只欢迎男人的酒吧，那些有幸被丈夫带来的女人们应该感到很欣慰了。
“有没有自己来的女性？”“至少我在这的时候都没发现„„也许以后吧„„但是她们是不会来的，难道不是吗？” “你曾经带自己的妻子来过这家酒吧吗？”“没有，她不会想来的。”
“你妻子在你回到家时就把晚饭准备好了吗？”“嗯，通常是这样„„她知道我的习惯。”
像罗德尼伯爵这样的酒吧也许在数量上已不如昔日那么多了，但仍然远比我们所注意到的要多的多。这种酒吧很小，可能有点脏乱，而且绝对不欢迎陌生人，因为它的会员氛围十分强烈。作为一个外人，詹姆斯明显地觉得很不自在，如果是女性可能感觉会更差。这种酒吧只吸引詹姆斯在店内发现的那种类型的客人，而且有效地隔绝了来自不同地区，不同社会阶层，拥有不同饮酒习惯的顾客。
从大体的观察上来看，任何一家提供啤酒消费的酒吧都会是以男人为主的场所，因为即使男人们克制住自己怀有敌意的眼神、
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继续教育处2002级毕业论文 男人的世界 张璇
手势和议论，大多数女性在这种酒吧里都会觉得乏味与被孤立感。 接下来的这家星嘉德酒吧，曾经和罗德尼伯爵头有着十分相似的氛围与客源，但是看得出来店主为了改变酒吧定位特意做了许多努力。门口一张手写的布告明确告诉人们穿着工厂工作服不得入内。该酒吧为了刻意制造一种现代派的风格而采用了所谓“反酒吧”式的装修与布局，如绿色地毯、咖啡桌、聚光灯等。然而仍不见有女顾客光顾这家酒吧。在周五晚上七点半到八点这段黄金时间，酒吧里的男性顾客大多都是些三五成群的年轻人，使得这里洋溢着一股阳刚之气。詹姆斯和一个开搬家公司的中年男人聊了起来，他已经喝得有好几分醉意。他说这家酒吧原本只适合社会底层人群光顾的，但自从老板重新装修后就只允许体面的人来这喝酒，因而客源的社会阶层提高了，年龄层却降低了。 他解释来这家酒吧是因为显得自己有品味层次高，有时也可以把女伴带来。“女性会自己来酒吧吗？”“有时吧，不是很多，要想在这儿找到一群姑娘可不容易。你看看，如果你想找漂亮摩登女郎，你应该沿这条路往下走走。”他指的是伦敦医院酒馆，这也在我们的预定行程之中。
从表面上看，星嘉德与第一家酒吧的确有很多不同，但是在这里能看到的女顾客同样都是由酒吧的男性常客带来的。在周末，酒吧顾客的男女比例基本能持平。但一周的大部分时间里，这里依然是男人的领地。
事实上这家酒吧里唯一的女性是一个做兼职女招待的青年学生。她说：“重新装修以后客源也改变了，为了吸引重新定位的客户群而做了两方面的改变，现在酒吧有提供午餐和红酒。”这些创新之举似乎颇受女性顾客的青睐，但也仅仅是午餐时候。这是酒
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继续教育处2002级毕业论文 男人的世界 张璇
吧一天中最中立的时候，尤其是如果附近有写字楼的话。这个时候的酒吧不再男客至上，而是提供些价格合理的食物与饮料，竭力为女性顾客营造舒适的氛围。
詹姆斯又向这位女招待问了许多具体关于她本人的问题。“作为这家酒吧里唯一的女性，你有感到不自在吗？”“我觉得这挺可笑的，但你真的不大会注意到，我已经习惯了。”“会经常有女顾客来吗？”“午餐时间会有很多女性来这吃午饭，我是说，她们好像还挺喜欢这儿的。”“男性顾客会经常带他们的妻子或女伴来这吗？”“不，并不经常，除了周末。”
“酒吧是不是对独自前来的女性很不友好？”“不，并不真这样。不过这会应该是这样的，我想，因为现在时间尚早，都是些男客。”
“这些男顾客会对你出言不逊吗？你能设法应付过去吗？”“他们确实会这样，但是我不会因为这个烦恼，我会还击的。我想，这是他们的问题。经理对我很好，我 用不着刻意打扮自己，也不用像周围其他酒吧女招待一样穿得奇奇怪怪。街对面的那家，她们都得穿短裙和低胸T恤。真可笑，这酒吧真够装腔作势的。”（又一次提到了伦敦医院酒馆）
星嘉德酒吧之行揭示了一个显而易见又颇有意思的现象。男性喝酒与上酒吧的习惯与女性完全不同：同一酒吧在一天的不同时段之间、周日与周末之间会有着截然不同的氛围。如果一位女顾客在错误的时间走进了一家酒吧，尽管她是这家酒吧的常客，她仍会显得十分扎眼。（酒吧女招待是整个布局的一部分，不能算是例外。）
接下来终于轮到了鼎鼎有名的伦敦医院酒馆。有一种酒吧十
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继续教育处2002级毕业论文 男人的世界 张璇
分令人反感，只会炫耀自己的高科技设备，设计毫无个性，还自以为能吸引年轻人。结果，伦敦医院酒馆原来正是一个绝好的例子。四处都是镜子、热带植物，过多的铬装饰使得这家酒吧完全颠覆了传统意义上的英国酒吧形象。而且，酒吧的管理人员不遗余力地要防止某一类人进入酒吧。的确，工人身上的工作服和该酒吧矫揉造作的装潢实在格格不入。
现在是晚上八点半，但就连这也只有男性顾客，要么是三五成群的年轻人，要么是那些幻想自己还年轻的男人们，让人强烈感觉到这是个只属于男人的空间，而唯一的女性则是几个打扮性感的女招待，是酒吧老板为了增添酒吧的青春活力吸引男人光顾而雇来的。当詹姆斯提及此，经理承认道：“是的，当然了，为什么不可以呢？我并没有告诉姑娘们应该穿什么，但是她们都知道怎么穿合适。要知道，这很重要，很多酒吧在这点上都很落伍。”过一会他又补充道，“一般都会有男有女，只不过男士通常来得早。”
像伦敦医院酒馆这样的酒吧已经逐渐成为一种酒吧发展趋势，尤其在城市里。这种酒吧不是女性能够摆脱骚扰的地方。在和詹姆斯的简短交谈时，一群男客人透露他们来这一是因为大家都这样，再就是能认识许多漂亮女孩。他们对酒吧的装修显得无所谓，只要不是锯末满地或是满屋子烂醉如泥的老家伙就行了。 詹姆斯向路人询问去格雷夫·莫里斯酒吧的方向。这个学生和护士口中“古怪”的酒吧似乎很少有当地人光顾。一踏进这家酒吧，就立刻感受到一种与众不同的氛围：装修的虽低调毫不唐突但处处透着令人心旷神怡的传统风格，不像前两家酒吧那样矫揉造作，自以为是。更重要的是，这是詹姆斯见到的第一个大部
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继续教育处2002级毕业论文 男人的世界 张璇
分客人是女性的酒吧。当你走进这样一个酒吧时，一瞬间你会忘了这只是个例外。
酒吧里的女招待也是个学生，就自己的观察与切身的经历，她对女性在酒吧里的社交活动所要面临的问题有着自己的看法。詹姆斯和她聊了聊她的工作以及工作中遇到的困难。平常有很多医学院的学生光顾该酒吧，虽然他们并没有对女顾客不怀好意，但有一小部分的男顾客的确有性别歧视的倾向。这和伦敦医院酒馆里色眯眯的目光确实不同，这是另一种更微妙更难以捉摸的形式，但不管怎样同样十分粗鲁无礼。
“这使你很不快，是吗？”“这会冒犯所有的女性，但是我们大都习以为常了。我的意思是，由于这份工作的特殊性，男人会认为你只不过是个性交易商品。你只是给他们递啤酒，而他们却想要你对他们微笑和他们调情„„并非所有的男人都这样，但还是让人恼怒。更可笑的是，在这周围的许多酒吧里，有些人的妻子在里面当女招待，那些人却还是希望她们表现得像其他女招待一样，根本就没意识到这有可能是自己的妻子。在他们看来，这二者间根本就没有联系。”
“那除去工作，就你自己的经历，你是如何看待酒吧的？”“其实我很不喜欢酒吧，因为我觉得很乏味。看着男人们一杯一杯下肚，接着变得越来越醉越来越讨厌，实在是毫无乐趣可言。虽然你并不会时时刻刻都受到骚扰，但是骚扰总是存在，你总会担心它的发生。最令我发愁的就是看见一群男人聚在一起的时候，因为他们总是互相怂恿，都是一个鼻孔出气„„”
“你能感觉到男性在一定程度上掌控了酒吧的气氛吗？”“显然是这样，当你要独自走到一群男人中去时，你都得思前想后。
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继续教育处2002级毕业论文 男人的世界 张璇
我总是要等朋友一起，或是装着读报纸来躲开他们的目光。” “那么女性上酒吧的自由度怎样呢？”“嗯，你必须小心谨慎地挑选你要去的酒吧，或者说你应该挑选那些能够接受女性的酒吧。但不管怎样，我不认为女人去酒吧仅仅是为了喝酒而喝酒。” “那还有其他的选择吗？”“那些以供应葡萄酒为主的酒吧就不错，人们一般不会去那喝大扎大扎的啤酒。在酒吧里你若单身一人，任何人都可以上前和你搭讪。”
“为什么如此不同呢？”“因为男人觉得那样是想当然的。女人聚在一起的感觉是相当自然的，不用扮演什么角色，像是努力摆出一副淡然超脱的样子，而仅仅就是静静地坐在一旁聊天。所以你不会觉得受到威胁什么的„„女人在一起聊天多过喝酒，这就是区别。”
没有一个被采访的女性会觉得独自走进任何一家酒吧很自在的，大多数男人也都是这样认为的。因此这就更加突显出了这家酒吧的特别之处—让女性觉得很自在很惬意。有两个互相约好来这家酒吧见面的女秘书，她们说这是这个地区内最让女性觉得轻松自在也是为数不多几个让女性觉得很安全的酒吧。其中有一个女士是加拿大人，她说在加拿大情况更糟：酒吧是个很恐怖的地方，一屋子的酒鬼，女性如果只身一人根本就不敢进去，就算是结伴的也很少去酒吧。
这又把我们的注意力引到另一个女性夜晚出行时遇到的问题：夜归是个让女性十分担忧的问题，这也是她们喝酒时适可而止，总是结伴而回的原因。
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继续教育处2002级毕业论文 男人的世界 张璇
二、酒吧发展趋势
结束这次酒吧之旅后，也许是时候该评估一下酒吧到底是什么性质的，是如某些人所说的变得越来越家庭化，还是反家庭化，仍旧是男人逃避家庭责任与婚姻关系的避难所？
摆在我们面前的情况是喜忧参半的。喜的是在周末你能在酒吧里发现越来越多的女性，酒吧也提供了更多的食物，设置了家庭聚会室，开放了花园，你甚至还能把孩子带上。我们可以很容易得出结论，禁止孩子上酒吧和担心他们过早地养成喝酒的习惯没什么关系，其实是利用孩子把女人们拴在家，而男人们则可以脱身于家庭的责任在外饮酒作乐。现在仍然有很多酒吧对满足孩子的需求没有一点兴趣。
忧的是，为反对女性在酒吧中遭受不平等待遇的斗争仍在继续。舰队街的艾尔维诺红酒吧，一直在坚持不懈地阻挠女性为享有酒吧服务合法权益进行的斗争。在这里，酒精只是阴谋诡计诞生的催化剂。艾尔维诺经理彼得·布赖肯在输掉官司之后试图禁止两名原告妇女进入酒吧未果。但是他却有权利禁止没穿短裙的女性进入酒吧，所以如果你被欢迎进了酒吧反而不是什么好事。 艾尔维诺并不是整个事件的句号，全国大大小小的酒吧中性质相同但表现各异的斗争随时随地都在上演：有的禁止女性在酒吧中织毛衣或是给婴儿哺乳，有的禁止女性在酒吧中喝啤酒，只为女性提供葡萄酒等等，诸如此类。面对这种不公平的待遇，我们都有自己表达愤怒的方式：我的经历是，有一次我去了霍洛维监狱附近的一家酒吧想喝上几杯，结果酒吧老板居然当我不存在似的故意转过身去，这时候我发现墙上粘着一张小卡片，上面写
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继续教育处2002级毕业论文 男人的世界 张璇
着：我们不为女客服务，请您自带。当即我就十分生气，对他咆哮着我的不满。他从吧台后面的镜子中一直观察我的反应，最后看我气得马上要把冰桶朝镜子砸去时，他立刻转过身满足了我的要求。这就是抗争的乐趣。
除了这种女性对抗酒吧老板的小型斗争，更令人振奋的是女性一直处在斗争的上风，逐渐成为酒吧重要的顾客群，一步一步地入侵这块男人的领地。例如，1985年由哈普牌啤酒发起的盖洛普民意调查就为我们描绘了一个美好的前景：女性在酒吧中的啤酒消费比重越来越大，而且据酒吧员工声称，暴力事件也越来越少了（不过他们当然得这么说）。调查还意外地发现了几种在81%的酒吧与94%的俱乐部中很普遍的娱乐形式：赌博机（45%）、飞镖（41%）、自动点唱机（33%）、台球（32%）、多米诺骨牌与现场表演（26%）、纸牌（22%）。一些愤世嫉俗的人可能会说，大部分的娱乐活动主要是供男人玩的，现场表演也只是脱衣舞的委婉语，而一些所谓搞创新的酒吧也只是竖起巨型屏幕以方便男顾客看球赛，光是提到球赛首先就足以使相当一部分女性望而却步„„ 让我们来看一些真实情况与数据吧。首先，我们必须记住一个重要的事实：女人喝酒的量与频率远远比不上男人。所以我们喝酒产生的结果必然与男人不同。正是酒精的低消费量决定了女性在酒吧及酒吧文化中的边缘化地位。这也正解释了为什么酒吧老板与啤酒商们对我们缺乏兴趣或者说忽视我们女性顾客能为酒吧带来多少利益。
最近的一项政府调查对高犯罪率区与低犯罪率区的酒精消费情况进行了对比。在这份调查报告中，两个地区女性的饮酒习惯几乎是完全一致的。这说明女性的饮酒习惯并不像男性那样受
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继续教育处2002级毕业论文 男人的世界 张璇
到地域与社会差异的影响。在这两个地区，45%的女性饮酒频率平均一周不到一次；只有24%的男性会这样节制。而在那些一周喝酒超出一次的女性中，只有20%一周消费多于10个单位的酒精量（相当于5到10品脱的烈酒）。在那些喝酒比较频繁的男性中（占相当高的比例），超过半数的人消费多于10个单位的酒精量。由于男性与女性的饮酒习惯差异如此之大，这份报告由始至终都不得不把男女性数据分开处理，否则得出的结论将毫无意义。男性与女性在社交场合饮酒各方面的差异之大令人震惊。
一项酒业的市场调查显示，酒精饮料（不包含红酒）的女性市场自二十世纪七十年代不断膨胀以来，已经达到了饱和。这意味着酒商们从女性身上已经无法获得更大的利益，然而大多数的酒吧还是愿意为女性提供服务。
调查中还提到，酒精饮料行业所获得的大部分利润依赖于以后也将一直依赖于男性顾客的啤酒消费水平。正如其他所有的市场调查显示的那样，女性从总体上来说并不是啤酒市场的消费主体。这份调查甚至还赞成某一个十分有趣的推测：女性的出现实际上减少了酒吧的利润。文中说明，自二十世纪七十年代以来，酒吧客人中女性比重的上升实际上减少了与她们一起来的男性顾客对酒类饮品的消费量。也许因为说得多，喝得自然就少了。 《酿造周刊》，啤酒酿造商协会这一全国性联盟会的会刊，在1986年1月出版的这一期上公布了一份国际公众意见调查公司MORIii（译者注：Market Opinion & Research International） 关于人们对酒吧的看法及酒吧趋势的调查结果。他们列出了几条在酒吧行业中逐渐形成的观念，表达了他们对女性的整体态度也提供了其他有关不断变化的酒吧形式的有用的信息。1973年，大约
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继续教育处2002级毕业论文 男人的世界 张璇
只有20%的被访女性一周至少上一次酒吧：到了1984年，这个数字上升到了27%。但是在这期间的数字一直是上下浮动的（1978年是24%，而1981年又回落到18%）。
从总体上来看，在这近十年中，女性上酒吧的频率及规律化都有所增加，但是这种增加并非夸张惊人有时甚至只是保持不变。在同一份调查中男性部分的数据也表现出了相应的波动形式（也许是因为1984年的经济衰退以及严重的通货膨胀）。但在1984年，51%的男性每周上酒吧的次数超过一次，这几乎是女性的两倍（要知道，男性一旦去了酒吧就会喝得更多而且男性更有可能成为酒吧的常客，所以这个比例实际要超出二比一）。
调查中有一项有趣的发现：如今女性比男性更有可能拥有固定的常去的酒馆（1984年是52%的被访女性饮酒者，1981年上升了8个百分点），这意味着我们认同那些令女性感到舒适、宾至如归的酒吧。如果这种趋势不断发展，那似乎预示着有一天女性也会作为熟客被一些酒吧所接受认可，虽然它同样也暗示了其它酒吧仍会死守其女性免进原则。当你独自离开罗德尼伯爵头时，你可能常常会走进格雷夫莫里斯；多数人选择在午饭时间而非晚间去星嘉德，而伦敦医院酒吧则更适合群饮而绝非独饮。因此，对3/4甚至更多的酒吧来说，男性可以随时随地自由光顾，而女性则受到严格的限制，虽然可能我们并没有那么在意这一点。 调查结果中还提到，葡萄酒吧越来越受欢迎。1984年，23%的被访者都去过这种酒吧，但不出意外，这些数据并没有受到足够的重视。众所周知，葡萄酒吧与日俱增的热度在很大程度上归功于女性将其作为除酒吧之外另一可供选择的喝酒聚会场所，啤酒酿造商们也不得不承认这点。葡萄酒吧的氛围与布局比大多数
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继续教育处2002级毕业论文 男人的世界 张璇
传统酒吧显得更有品位也更舒适，女性也不会那么强烈地感觉到自己受人觊觎。而作为近期才发展起来的社交饮酒场所，葡萄酒吧并未受到“仅限男士”这一传统思想的禁锢。有趣的是，在这份国际公众意见调查公司MORI的调查中，与葡萄酒吧相关的数据是为数不多的几个不需要分性别进行分析的数据。葡萄酒吧对女性的吸引力是显而易见的。
布里奇特·麦克康威尔的著作《影响力之下的女性》对国际公众意见调查公司MORI该项调查关于女性有自己固定酒吧这一观点有不同的见解。她认为女性饮酒习惯的形成取决于她们所交往的男性。对女性来说，结束一段恋爱关系意味着她将和与过去有关的一切人或事断绝联系，直到开始另一段新的恋情，她又将从另一个男性那里承袭新的饮酒习惯，成为另一家酒吧的常客。这确实言之有理，而且这说明对一些女性而言，即使是那些对女性相当友善的酒吧，也只有当她们的男伴们确实被该酒吧认可时，才会承认她们也是酒吧的常客。没有这个男人，她在这个社会关系网中什么都不是。
当然，一旦进了酒吧就要承受必须喝酒的压力，也许我们许多人有时也确实有这种需求。布里奇特·麦克康威尔指出，人们还是不希望看到女性在公共场合喝醉，尽管这能被人们所接受，有时对男性而言甚至很有面子。当然女性能够独自在家时喝醉，她们也确实是这样。人们的这种观念加深了我们的孤立而且巩固了人们对“酒吧是男人领地”这一看法的推崇。正如布里奇特所指出，酒吧饮酒构成了男性文化的一部分，而人们对在社交场合中的饮酒与醉酒问题的态度则取决于男性价值观，甚至在社交场合饮酒中一些不成文的惯例往往都明显表现出对女性的排斥。
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继续教育处2002级毕业论文 男人的世界 张璇
三、酒吧文化
人们在酒吧中的行为模式及其在社会、政治、文化方面的重要性很少被提及到学术高度。如果你想要了解有关男性的排他性、惯例性及其自我认同感如何通过反女性来形成的人类学方面的研究，你可以去看一些有关第三世界文化的书籍。因为有关英国或是其他西方国家酒吧资料大多都未被记录下来，当然也不可能被解析。
然而大胆的例外往往能证明规律。我们可以轻易找到两本重要的著作：一本是关于安·怀特黑德对赫特福德郡一家乡村酒吧长达二十个月的研究及该酒吧对该地区居民的重要性；另一本是薇拉瑞·海伊的力作《父权制与酒吧文化》，书中回顾了历史源头并提出了几条关于酒吧文化如何影响酒吧内外的世界的基本理论。
对男性上酒吧缺乏研究的一个很重要原因在于任何一个女性都曾经悄悄地观察或是谨慎地参与到她们试图揣测的带有男性强权色彩的酒吧文化中。安·怀特黑德发现，一个名叫车夫酒吧中的常客是清一色的男性，他们嫉妒反感任何女性在场。安能被允许待在酒吧完全得益于一位男士的帮助，因为他觉得安长得像自己的妹妹，然而也完全是一个男人眼中的局外人甚至怪人。当女性真正来到这家酒吧，迎接她的是连篇的脏话和骇人听闻的性虐待事件。而在薇拉瑞·海伊的书中，她有志于通过自己的亲身经历来研究男性酒吧文化的运作方式。在其中一个例子中，她为了赴约只身前往一家奇怪的酒吧，而她那位男性朋友显然已经把这次约会抛在了九霄云外，接着薇拉瑞度过了一次令她饱受煎熬的
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继续教育处2002级毕业论文 男人的世界 张璇
经历，“就像一个在白宫中束手无策的自由主义者，一个不受欢迎的陌生人。”这期间她受到了各种各样的酒鬼不怀好意的接近，“对不怀好意的接近者，我试图摆出一副冷酷、精于世故的架势，但这对他们根本不起作用。其他的一些男顾客则一直盯着我看，最后，我带着羞辱与愤怒落荒而逃。”唉，难道我们会不知道那是什么滋味吗？但是每一次都会是这样，唯一的方法就是我们从此远离酒吧，再也不要去那。
另一种情况发生在另两群在酒吧喝酒的女顾客身上。但很显然，她们都深谙以牙还牙之道。其中一群女性不断受到一个烂醉如泥的酒鬼的骚扰，不但将警告当做耳边风，更可恶的是这个酒鬼的同伙不但不阻止其恶劣行径，反而将责任全推倒这些女顾客身上，认为是她们自己惹得麻烦。最后这件事以女性摆脱这群无赖收场。但是“这能被称为一次‘胜利’吗？我已经筋疲力尽，我只是想安安静静地喝酒，不想演变成动怒、争吵。我们觉得恶心。”她们就这样离开了。同样的甚至更糟糕的经历发生在另一群在一个飞镖酒吧中喝酒的女性身上，始作俑者仍然是在一群狐朋狗友支持下的酒鬼。
在书中薇拉瑞还描述了很多发生在这类酒吧中类似的事件并提供了一些维多利亚时期的素材和1938-1940年对兰开夏郡波尔顿地区酒吧民意调查的研究。
在19世纪前的英国，主要是酒馆提供食物、饮料，有些甚至还为游客提供床位出租。这种“全能型”的场所逐渐变得很不经济，因此专门化的分工产生了，出现了酒店、餐馆及酒吧，各司其职。今天我们知道，这些都是维多利亚时期社会剧变及工业革命的产物。人们从沉重的体力活、简陋的住房、体弱多病的孩子、
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继续教育处2002级毕业论文 男人的世界 张璇
拮据的收入、嘈杂争吵以及寒冷污秽中解脱出来（然而这些仍是女性无法摆脱的），投入到为新兴工人阶级服务的各种社交中心，市场及俱乐部。那时酒吧出售的是比现在能买到的任何都要烈的啤酒。酒吧将先前热闹的街市生活搬到了室内，温暖舒适的房间里自动贩卖机、取款机及各种各样的娱乐活动应有尽有:下注、纸牌、多米诺骨牌、斗鸡，也可以看报，进行政治会晤等，就更不用说街坊邻里间闲言碎语一番。更让男人们乐得合不拢嘴的是，许多酒吧往往都会有有偿提供性服务的妓女。一些酒吧老板甚至还为嫖客们提供房间出租。这样的酒吧通常都兼有妓院的职能，尤其是那些在军队驻扎的营房或港口附近的酒吧，或是周围有许多穷困潦倒娶不起老婆的抑或是那些从事不准结婚行业的单身汉。在那时，任何一个在酒吧里的女性都会被认为是可以随便得到的，就是在现在也常常是这样。
更重要的是，能够作为社交场所及小型商务中心的地方，除了酒吧别无选择，当然除了想禁酒协会或是礼拜教堂这种完全属于女性的领地。正如瓦勒利·海伊所说，酒吧是每一条街道上的男性共和国，它是男人的游乐场，也是社交生活的中心。 女性只是太在意这条男女性之间的分界线。她们对酒吧的痛恨以及男人们如何不顾家庭在酒吧中尽情挥霍，这些都有完整的记录（正式的说法是戒酒运动）。许多女性为反对这个男性共和国而付出了沉重的代价，她们为此遭受到的暴力与蹂躏也都有所记载。
酒吧对整个社会的影响力是显而易见的。工人阶级组织的壮大及工会的不断发展都与酒吧有着密切的联系，这也是酒吧能成为男性掌控领域的重要原因。由于男性上酒吧的习惯，男女性之
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继续教育处2002级毕业论文 男人的世界 张璇
间的财富对比也越来越强烈了。瓦勒利将之描述为“男性要求的通行自由权以及需要排解自己烦恼的权利。这就驱使男人们以自己妻子为代价来追求更高水平的享受。男性与女性之间发生了正面的利益冲突。值得注意的是，在相当多正在进行美其名曰“发展”的社会变革的第三世界国家中，男性的饮酒习惯被女性视为最大的诟病（当然这并不意味着他们就没有其他毛病了）。问题在于，西方的男性“专家”们并不急于审视，因为他们想当然地把这当作自己文化的一部分。
在我们将视线从维多利亚时期转移出来之前，我们应注意到当时的酒吧文化中一个十分重要的因素，一个在许多工人阶级组织及协会中根深蒂固的观念：男人要有海量才能显示自己的阳刚之气，才能在社交场合中被认可，才能胜任一个组织中的一员。喝酒的能力被看作是检验男性是否阳刚的标准；而啤酒也被广泛认为是使体力与性能力充沛的主要来源。人类学家认为，维多利亚时期小酒馆里那些复杂而神秘的酒客，尤其是技巧性很强的手工业者，当他们要从学徒升为技师时，依靠的是大量的酒精以及无数次的烂醉如泥。这些规矩的形成往往是要先挫败门者的锐气，然后才能真正接受他们加入这行。这种心理施压存于许多传统文化中，不足为奇。今天我们称之为“洗脑”，以此磨灭年轻人的锐气，培养他们对组织的忠诚。
我们再来看看20世纪30年代末波尔顿的这项民意调查。波尔顿地区是维多利亚早期城镇的缩影，完好地保存了许多传统的风俗习惯，但是在几十年后的今天，由于整个生活环境的变化，为了发展也不得不做些许改变。酒吧在某些方面发生了相当大的变化，例如，啤酒要淡得多，喝醉酒的客人也比以前少多了，但
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继续教育处2002级毕业论文 男人的世界 张璇
是酒吧的本质并未发生变化：酒吧是除宗教场所以外唯一的社交场所；不把女招待与妓女算在内，酒吧也仍然是男人的专属领地。周末，妻子们可以进入酒吧中类似休息室的一个特别的小房间，只有这时候她们才可以完全占有这个舒适小巧的小型酒吧，这也是维多利亚时期一些酒吧的特征之一。该民意调查的编辑通过研究得出酒吧的重要功能之一是为男人们甩开妻子自由碰面聊天提供场所。
很多房门上都会有“仅限男士入内”的标识，而有些则是房间里的某些区域禁止女性进入或靠近，通常像是吧台内或是壁炉旁。酒窖是男人们为所欲为的地方，对女人们却是绝对禁止。习俗与惯例对男女性使用酒吧的约束力是显而易见的。女性只有在离开自己生活范围内的酒吧时，才会有勇气去挑战这个体系。而男人们不管喜欢与否，接受与否，都不得不加入这个体系。有一位男士曾经直接承认道：“我来喝啤酒只是为了显得粗犷一点，其实我打心底里讨厌这玩意儿，但是我的朋友们说，如果我拒绝这东西，别人会叫我娘娘腔。”
薇拉瑞·海伊发现了两性之间相互造成的巨大恐惧感，尤其是男性。他们很害怕自己如果没有遵循朋友圈中的行为标准，就会被异性同化。这就反映出男人对自己性特征的不安全感与无把握感以及他们觉得应该鄙视与摈弃的对女性的依赖感。然而，他们却是以对女性深深的敌意这种表现形式来伪装自己。这就解释了为什么男人公然藐视酒吧妓女却仍与她们发生性关系。薇拉瑞认为，这种由男人主动引起的不正当关系应当被定罪或是彻底禁止，并不是因为这种关系异于正常的夫妻关系，而恰恰是因为这两种关系太相似了。
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薇拉瑞·海伊通过观察发现，酒吧女招待所扮演的角色（不管性感与否）也十分有趣。作为一个薪水微薄的女服务员，经常会有男人请她喝上几杯，而代价就是她要扮演一个倾听者的形象：倾听男客人对自己妻子的抱怨，并时不时地表示同情与安慰。“这完美地诠释了男性的幻想—母性、性感、可与之虚假而又十分安全地调情。”
最后，该民意调查还发现男性常常会在周末“携带”妻子或其他女性亲朋好友去酒吧喝上 几杯，这已成为现今酒吧文化中另一普遍特征。这意味着女人做些什么、去什么地方、能够喝多少酒，决定权完全掌握在男人手中（而男人可以半途消失，跑到别处独自饮酒作乐）。这就使我们更加深刻地认识到，男人可以随心所欲、自由挥霍，而妻子的一举一动都必须等待丈夫的决定：因此，男女性之间购买权的不平衡是造成整个问题相当重要的一部分，也是形成女性不自己买酒喝这一酒吧惯例的重要原因。顺便提一句，事实上，男性在酒吧中花费大量的时间与金钱，而他们谈论的主要话题却是关于，更确切地说是反对女性及女性特征。男人控制着这一切。对多数男人来说，通常一星期中总有一个晚上是只准男人参加的聚会。这不但造成了男人与家庭的脱离，也使他们充耳不闻妻子们要求丈夫共同承担家庭责任的呼声。面对妻子们要求的平等，男人们并没有选择妥协。相反，当矛盾难以调和，他们就选择消失，或是对家事弃之不顾，反而很自在地和哥们儿一起玩乐，打牌、看脱衣舞表演、甚至用不堪入耳的污言秽语辱骂女性。这并不仅仅是个人心理使然，往往还源于同伴们的教唆。正如民意调查中的一个男人说得那样，他在酒吧就是要证明自己并非妻管严，“我可不是那些无能的被老婆管的男人”
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当然，男性的自由在另一方面也反映了女性被家庭所禁锢。也许是因为钱的问题，也许是因为总要有个人在家照看孩子，这些都使得女性不可能像男性那样来去自如。但是，如果女性真的一气之下像男人那样出去了，反而中了他们的招，尤其在一个比较小的社区团体中更甚。在安·怀特黑德1967年对赫特福德郡的调查中就揭示了与波尔顿民意调查所观察到的非常相似的过程。在赫特福德郡，女性独自外出被视为荡妇的标志。即使是像妇女协会这样的女性组织都难逃被酒吧男人诋毁的命运。
当你仔细观察之后，你会发现酒吧问题并不是一个动听的故事。安·怀特黑德和薇拉瑞·海伊提供的研究分析强有力地提醒我们关注这个社会丑陋的一面，这个我们为了维护自尊、保持心平气和而只能选择无视、逃避与缄默的耻辱的一面。我相信，所有女性都一定熟知被困在一群怀有敌意的男人中那种不知所措的感受。如果他们不满意你的出现或你的行为举止，他们可以随心所欲地恶语相向甚至施加暴力。也许你只想在酒吧里聊聊天、获取些工作上的有用信息、和朋友一起放松放松喝上几杯„„算了吧！如果男人们把你当作妓女荡妇般对待，那这就是酒吧文化真实所在。
这重要吗？毕竟，除了大量的酒精，这些主流酒吧都能带给我们什么呢？是十分无趣、虚假的酒伴？还是周遭充斥着嘈杂刺耳金属音乐与电脑游戏声的毫无舒适感可言的酒吧环境？ 但这很重要！酒吧仍旧是唯一合适的社交会晤场所：里面的高级房间仍然是工会分会与当地政党会晤的首选地点。许多女性，尤其是从未去过酒吧的那些，常常会突发奇想到一家陌生酒吧里转转，结果往往是发现其令人厌恶至极。一些在正式场所召开的
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会议一旦结束，而将会场转移至酒吧时，那些熟知内幕的知情人这时候才真正开始切入正题，讨论诸如某职位的候选人或为实现某一观点而将采取的方针策略等等。
酒吧很重要，因为它在很多方面都是热门话题的重要信息源，而不仅仅只关于赌马或找工作。如之前星嘉德酒吧的一名顾客所说，在酒吧中，很轻松就能找到一份临时工作。某些酒吧还能提供一些本来极其匮乏的该地区房屋出租信息。说这些并非要对酒吧中的一些丑恶惯例既往不咎，而是要提醒我们注意到酒吧在一些非官方甚至非法交易中的地位和作用，不用说，这些事主要都是男人一手操纵的。
酒吧在各种日常活动中的地位也举足轻重：如工作上的闲聊、最近有些什么促销活动、请有利用价值的同事或上司喝上几杯、对思考很久的事情作出决定或是搜集一些关于一份竞争激烈的工作的有用信息等等。还记得之前的艾尔维诺酒吧及其为了阻止女性进入该酒吧而引发的那场激烈的纷争吗？可以说，在对类似这种事件的谋划操纵中，舰队街的酒吧起着至关重要的作用，同时它们还肩负着一项重任——传授给年轻实习记者要想在新闻界立足所必须熟知的窍门绝招及潜规则——这些都是罗杰·史密斯在他对记者进行的职业研究中所强调的。
因为我们生活在一个男人的世界，我们没有能力让这些发生在酒吧中的事发生在那些令我们感到自在些的地方（比如格雷夫·莫里斯酒吧—听这个名字就没戏）。我们只能去那些不那么合心意的酒吧，而且只有和一大群人在一起才有安全感；我们只能自己匀出合适的时间，尤其是下班后或开完会（即挤出不用照顾孩子和家人的自由活动时间）；我们只能自己为自己买单，或是乖
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乖接受男人请客的美意——仅仅是一种特别的方式提醒所有人我们已婚的状态。这些男人几乎难以觉察的微妙之处意味着一些女性不得不跳出其工作或社交领域，而剩下的那些则在男人的海洋中孤立无援，除非她们从事于那些极少数的女性工作。因此，我们仍在继续抗争。
当然，我需要重申的是，并非所有的酒吧都如此，也有一些酒吧甚至可以被称为属于我们自己的小酒馆（当然这也非绝对，是有条件的）。但是，且不论酒吧在社会生活各个方面的重要性，我们应该关注的是男性饮酒的酒吧文化是如何运作的——因为这也是本书对男性俱乐部等其他男性场所进行调查研究的基础和起点。那些仅限男性的场所同样对女性紧闭大门，甚至有着比最恶劣的酒吧还更严格死板的规则与条例，而且通常还带有附加规定来保证其存在的秘密性。
建立在大批常客与潜规则基础上的酒吧文化不论和诸如扶轮国际分社的工人俱乐部，还是和伦敦西区的精英阶层俱乐部相比，都有许多重合的地方。在酒吧中，一个男人，有时甚至一群男人，常常会骚扰他们认为不属于这里的女性。而在工人俱乐部中，我们待会会看到，类似的事件也会发生：一群自封为男性监护人的男人们，为了排挤女性制定了一系列仅限男士入内的条例。而另外那些支持这群人的男人们，虽然态度比较被动消极，但为了自己的利益也绝不会站出来阻止。在扶轮国际社与共济会中，这种规定就更为严格，而且扶轮国际社和英国国教的那些强硬的核心人物是宁愿威胁要解散这个组织也不可能让任何一名女性加入的。伦敦西区俱乐部的会员则高枕无忧：即使这些规矩很偶然地受到了挑战，俱乐部的员工也仍然会强制执行。
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样本
Men Only
An Investigation into Men’s Organizations
Barbara Rogers
Part One Men‘s Territory
1. Pubs
Chapter I. ‘Getting away from the wife’
We know about pubs. At least, we know about the ones we‘ve been in. no longer a male domain, pubs have been opened up to women.
Or have they? It is worth stepping back and looking at the pub scene, how it has and hasn‘t changed since the establishment of ‗the pub‘ as a major social institution in the last century, and the invisible barriers which still persist at different times of day, in different parts of the put, with different facilities, and between one pub and another. Pubs are very important institutions in Britain, not just as your ‗local‘ where you can relax and be with friends-or go for a drink whenever
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you feel like spending time doing nothing in particular-but also because they are still very important as meeting places. Political parties, trade union branches and a variety of other meetings take place in the room over the pub, and adjourn downstairs for the gossip. Last, but by no means least, the pub is important in the context of men-only meeting places because it is a public place, however restricted y custom and practice. Observations of how men use pubs can provide us with important clues to the psychology of other men-only gathering places including those which are ‗secret‘, like the masons, or ‗elite‘, like the West End clubs for top men.
Let‘s start, then, by a little tour of some pubs to refresh our memories of what they are like-including the bits where we are not welcome, and where we also choose not to go. Out of sight: out of mind.
This is an area where the appearance of a woman as observer affects the scene being observed and it seemed best to get a man to survey the scene. So intrepid Men Only researcher James Marsh did a pub crawl in one area of London, Whitechapel, chosen after a tour of the East End as fairly typical. It is a mixture of traditional working-class variety of pubs serving the different groups of regulars. The visits were made between 6.30 and 11 p.m. on a Friday night, the time when men traditionally go to the pub for some serious drinking, and women are also more likely to be going out.
The first pub he visited was The Lord Rodney‘s Head in the Whitechapel Road. From the outside it looked drab and uninviting
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and it turned out to be a stereotyped working men‘s pub, austerely furnished (probably last decorated in the 1950s) with few pretensions to comfort and none to drink that the pub offered. The clientele was exclusively male-middle-aged to old men, drinking in small groups or on their own.
He was greeted with a certain amount of suspicion and hostility, both by the proprietor and the customers he approached. They seemed to resent any intrusion on their drinking time and to regard any interest in pubs beyond their function as drinking holes as quite ridiculous. An old Irishman summed up the attitude of the pub: ―I‘m here to drink beer. Everything else if fucking nonsense.‖ This was repeated several times to make sure the point was properly understood.
With persistence though, James managed to get one of the solitary drinkers to talk to him rather grudgingly. He was a married middle-aged man, who worked for the Gas Board and he came to the pub for a few pints after work before going home for his dinner: this was a daily ritual. What he wanted form the pub basically was a place to drink, without frills or molestation. He didn‘t come for conversation, although he found it reassuring that he would see the same familiar faces-men, he assumed, doing exactly what he was doing. He chose this particular pub because it was functional to his drinking needs. Indeed, the pub itself would presumable be attractive only to this sort of (male) customer who demanded a table, a chair, a pint, and nothing else.
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When asked whether women ever came into the pub, this man responded: ―One or two of them bring their wives sometimes,‖ implying that this was a sort of exclusive drinking place for men where a few women could count themselves lucky if their husbands chose to ―bring them‖.
Did women ever come in without their husbands? ―No…she wouldn‘t like it‖
Did she have his dinner ready for him when he got home? ―Well, yes, usually…she knows my habits.‖
Pubs like the Rodney‘s Head are perhaps less numerous than they used to be, but they are there in much larger numbers than we want to notice-small, perhaps a bit scruffy, definitely not welcoming to strangers. Inside they have a strong ―members only‖ atmosphere. As an outsider, James was made to feel distinctly uncomfortable-and it would be much worse for a woman. This sort of pub appeals to exactly the type of character James found inside, and effectively excludes anyone outside the area, the social class and drinking habits of the regulars.
As a general observation, it is likely that any pub(or social place) which caters largely for the consumption of beer in quantity will be a men‘s area, since most women would find this very boring as well as feeling very isolated in a pub of this kind even if the men refrained from hostile looks, gestures and comments.
The next pub on the list was The Star and Garter, a pub that used to be very similar in atmosphere and clientele to The Rodney‘s Head.
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The landlord here, though, had made a conscious effort to change his customer base. A handwritten notice refuses entry to ―Persons in Industrial Clothing‖, and the bar itself is done out in kitschy modern style, what you could call ―anti-pub‖ décor and fittings (fitted green carpets, café-style tables, spotlights, and so on). However, there were no women drinking in this pub either. The male customers were younger and in groups, and it had, although with a different generation, a strongly ―masculine‖ Friday night. James chatted up one of the regulars, a middle-aged man who ran his own removals business. He was already quite drunk. He claimed that this used to be a ―dosser‘s‖ pub but that since the landlord had redecorated he had prevented the ―wrong sort‖ from coming in and that ―respectable people‖ now drank here. So it was moving up in social class as well as down in age.
He came to the pub, he explained, because it was a bit ―classy‖ and he would feel able to bring ―a lady friend‖ here. Did women come to the pub on their own or in groups without men? ―Sometimes. Not much, really, like a group of birds, but you won‘t get them in this area. Look around…if you‘re looking for dolly birds, you should go down the road a bit.‖ He was referring to The London Hospital Tavern, which was in fact on the list.
The Star and Carter was very different, superficially, from the first pub visited-but women were expected to be there common at weekends, when a fairly even sex ratio was territory despite efforts to ―neutralize‖ the interior away from the traditional fixtures of the pub.
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The only woman in the pub was in fact a young student, working temporarily as a barmaid. She said that the customer mix had changed since the recent refurbishment, and pointed to two other innovations designed to attract what the landlord regarded as ―the right sort‖. There was now food at lunchtimes, and wine was available. These particular features appeared to have made the pub more attractive to women-but strictly at lunchtimes only. This is a neutral period in a pub‘s life, especially if there are offices in the area, when it is not necessarily controlled by its ―regulars‖ and it can take on a more comfortable atmosphere for women, and the offer of food and perhaps a drink at a reasonable price.
James asked the barmaid more specific questions about herself. Did she feel uncomfortable being the only woman in the pub? ―It‘s kind of funny, I suppose, but you don‘t notice it really. It‘s just normal for me.‖ Did women come to the pub much? ―A lot at lunchtimes, to have lunch usually. I mean, they seem to quite like it here.‖ And did the male regulars bring their wives or partners? ―No, they‘re not usually with them, except at the weekend…. Some do, quite a lot, then.‖
Was the pub hostile to unaccompanied women? ―No, not really…. Well now, I suppose it is, because there‘s none here, is there? It‘s all men really…but it‘s still quite early.‖
Did the men make remarks to her that she could do without? ―It‘s difficult, really, they do-but then I think it doesn‘t bother me. I just give it back, but it‘s Ok, it‘s their problem. I mean, the manager‘s
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quite good, I don‘t have to dress up or wear anything special like some pubs around here-the one across the road, they all wear shorts and low-cut T-shirts. Funnily enough, it‘s a poser‘s pub, that one‖ (The London Hospital Tavern again)
The visit to The Star and Garter brought out an obvious but still interesting point. Men‘s drinking and pub-going habits are radically different from women‘s: the same pub can have a completely different atmosphere at various times of day, and between work-days and weekends, and if a woman came in to a familiar pub at the ―wrong‖ time she would stick lout like a sore thumb (the barmaid is part of the fittings, not an exception as a female visitor would be).
And so to the famous London Hospital Tavern. It turned out to be a fairly ghastly example of the pretentious high-tech, no character design which the breweries have convinced themselves will appeal to young people. Tropical plants, mirrors everywhere, a plethora of chrome make this kind of pub far removed from any traditional notions of a British pub. Again, the management were doing their best here to exclude a certain type of man. Men in industrial clothes would have clashed with the pub‘s decorative pretensions.
It was now 8.30, but even here the only customers were men: groups of young men, or men who still fancied themselves as young, well dressed and apparently embarking on a night out. Again there was a strong feeling that this was male territory, and that women would be acceptable only on male terms. The only women in the pub, in fact, were employees-obviously recruited for youth and
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attractiveness, and dressed up to emphasize a male-defined sexiness. The manager agreed when James put this to him. ―Yeah, sure, why not? I don‘t tell the girls what to wear but they know how to fit in. around here it‘s important to get it right. A lot of the pubs are really scummy…‖ Later on, he claimed, there would be a mixture of men and women but the men always started their drinking earlier. The London Hospital Tavern is an increasingly common type of pub, especially in the cities. Not necessarily a pick-up joint, it‘s the kind of place where any woman could expect comments and some direct approaches-not the place to get away from it all! James‘s brief chat with a group of men there revealed that they came because their mates did and because there would be a lot of birds there later on. They were fairly indifferent to the décor but thought it was better than sawdust on the floor and lots of drunken old bastards falling about.
James was pointed in the direction of The Grave Maurice as being an odd pub, used by students and nurses, and unusual in the sense that few local residents used it. On entering this pub, there was an immediately obvious difference in atmosphere. It was furnished in a low-key, unobtrusive and comfortably traditional way, the décor not being contrived and pretentious like the two previous pubs. And for the first time there were actually groups of women in the pub and they even seem to be in a majority, overall. If you go into a pub like this it‘s easy to forget that it‘s the exception that proves the rule. The barmaid, again a student, had some strong views on the
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problem women face in mixing socially in pubs, both from observation and from direct experience. James asked her about her job and the difficulties of it. Apparently the pub was used a lot by medical students, and although they didn‘t make the atmosphere hostile to women customers, a minority did seem to regard the bar staff as fair game for sexist remarks. It was not really very different from the kind of leers you‘d get in The London Hospital Tavern. It just takes a different form that‘s much more subtle, but it can be very crude as well.
And it offends you, obviously? ―It offends all women, but most just live with it. I mean, it offends me as a human being because in this particular job men can regard you as just a sexual commodity. You give them their beer but they want you to smile and flirt…not all men, and not here so much but it‘s still irritating. What‘s funny is that in a lot of pubs around here, and everywhere I suppose, it‘s somebody‘s wife doing the serving and they still expect them to behave that way, they don‘t realize, it could be their wives. They don‘t make the connection.‖
And her own experience of pubs, off-duty? ―I don‘t like them much, they‘re really boring. It‘s not much fun watching men drink all those pints and becoming more and more obnoxious. You don‘t always get obvious harassment but it‘s always there, you come to expect it. When you see a crowd of men together it‘s worrying, because they egg each other on, they‘re like a pack really…‖ Did she feel that men controlled the atmosphere in pubs to some
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extent? Yes, obvious really, when you think about it, and how you think twice about going in them on your own, even places that you know. When I‘ve done it , even if I‘m waiting for friends or whatever, I find myself just making sure I‘ve got a newspaper so that it‘s like I‘m occupied and hidden.‖
How much freedom do women have to use pubs? ―Well, you have to choose where you are going very carefully, where you are going to be OK. I don‘t think women-well, I don‘t anyway-just go out and drink for the sake of it. It‘s almost as if they‘re not allowed to.‖ What were the alternatives? ―Wine bars are good because there‘s wine, people don‘t go there to drink loads of beer. They‘re private as well….In a pub it‘s like you‘re available, anyone can just walk up to you. I have been to women-only pubs when it‘s the right night, though.‖
Why was that so different? ―Well, men take that situation for granted, don‘t they? Drinking together. When women are together like that it does seem perfectly natural: there‘s no role to play, like trying to be aloof and that sort of thing. You don‘t feel threatened…but they‘re a defensive thing really, and that‘s a shame. There‘s a lot more talking than drinking, and that‘s a difference.‖ None of the women asked said they would feel comfortable going in to any pub on their own-a commonplace taken for granted by most men. And there was a lot of stress on this-exceptional-pub being one where women felt at ease. Two women, both secretaries who had traveled some way to meet in this particular pub, said it was
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the only pub in a wide area that they‘d feel comfortable in, just talking. It was also one of the very few pubs they‘d feel safe in. One of the women was a Canadian, who pointed out that in Canada it was even worse: bars were intimidating, all-male drinking places, and unaccompanied women would simply never dare go in-even with a newspaper! It was quite rare for Canadian women to go independently to bars even in groups.
This group also drew attention to a particular problem women face when we go out socially in the evenings: that of traveling home late, which to them was a real worry and something that affected the whole business of going out-preventing them from drinking too much and always having to ensure they‘d go home in a group.
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Chapter II. Pub trends
After this excursion through pub-land, perhaps it is time to assess whether pubs are really, as some claim, becoming more ―family‖ institutions rather than anti-family, the men‘s escape holes for getting away from family responsibilities and relationships. The evidence is mixed. You certainly have the good news: more women in pubs at weekends, more food, sometimes family rooms and garden areas where you can take-shock, horror-children. The aversion to kids, it‘s easy to conclude, has less to do with publicants‘ worries about their getting drinking habit early on than a concern with keeping women back home to look after them while the men are guaranteed a meeting place without responsibilities. There‘s many a pub still which shows not the slightest interest in catering for children.
Then of course there‘s the bad news, and the battles still being fought in pubs around the country. Fleet Street‘s Elvino wine bar, a gossip and contact shop where the drink just helps the wheeling and dealing, fought a protracted legal battle to stop women claiming a legal right to get served at the bar, which is where they were most likely to hear something to their advantage. Having finally lost the case on appeal, El Vino manager Peter Bracken tried (unsuccessfully) to ban the two women who had brought the case. However, he is entitled to ban women who are wearing skirts-so there is no feeling of
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being welcomed on your own terms.
El Vino‘s might be the top end of the trade, but that battle has its parallels in pubs up and down the country where there are sporadic outbursts of fighting over attempts to ban knitting in pubs, stop women breast-feeding in pubs, stop us drinking pints (you‘re supposed to do it by halves), serving glasses with stems instead of handles, and the rest. We all have our own particular red flag to which we respond with rage: mine was a pub near Holloway Prison where I tried to buy drinks while the publican pretended I wasn‘t there, and which had a cute little card stuck on the wall: ―We don‘t serve women, you have to bring your own.‖ I was getting angrier by the minute and my comments to an embarrassed companion louder and louder. He turned round and served me just in time to stop me throwing the ice-bucket at his fancy mirrors at the back of the bar, in which he‘d been keeping a furtive watch on my reactions. The joy of combat…
Despite this kind of guerrilla warfare, women versus publicans, there is a general notion that the women are winning and in particular are invading pub territory as increasingly important customers. Take for instance a well-publicised Gallup survey commissioned by Harp lager in 1985, which painted a rosy picture of more women buying more-er, lager actually, more food, bar staff claiming there was less violence (well, they would wouldn‘t they?). they also, incidentally, found some form of ―entertainment‖ at 81 per cent of pubs and 94 per cent of clubs: gaming machines (45 per cent), darts (41 per cent),
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juke boxes (33 per cent), pool tables (32 per cent), dominoes and live entertainment (26 per cent) and cards (22 per cent). The cynical would point out that most of these are used mainly by men, that ―live entertainment‖ is a euphemism for a stripper and that one of the innovations in some pubs is a GIANT screen to show football matches which is what some of us might have been trying to get away from in the first place…
Time to look at some facts and figures. First we need to remember one important reality: women drink much less alcohol, much less frequently, than men. When we do drink, we often have different products from the men. It is the much lower volume that is the most significant factor in women‘s marginal position in pubs and pub culture (and similarly for other kinds of recreational clubs, as we shall see later.). It explains the pub landlords‘ and breweries‘ general lack of interest in us and in our interests as customers.
In a recent Government survey on alcoholism comparing a ―high risk‖ area with a low risk one, the drinking habits of the women-at home or outside- were almost identical in the two areas. This suggests that women‘s drinking is not subject to the regional and social variation that men‘s drinking is. In both areas it was found that 45 per cent of women drank less than once a week; only 24 per cent of the men were this abstemious. Of those women who did drink more than once a week, only 20 per cent consumed more than ten units of alcohol a week (equivalent to five pints or ten shorts). Of the men who drank with some frequency ( a higher proportion of men in
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any case) over half drank more than ten units. As with all drinking surveys, this report was obliged throughout to separate male and female data, since they are so different that combining them gives a nonsensical answer. Almost every aspect of social drinking separates women from men in a dramatic, and socially very significant way. In a market prediction undertaken for the alcoholic drink trade, it is suggested that the female market for alcoholic drinks (with the possible exception of wine) has now expanded to its natural limit, after increasing during the 1970s. This bulk of the profit to be made in the drinks industry remains- and will remain- selling beer to men. Women overall are not a significant part of the beer market, as all the market surveys show. The same report goes in for some interesting speculation about the presence of women in pubs actually depressing the profits. The increasing proportion of women in pubs since the 1970s, it suggests, may actually have diminished the consumption of drink among men they were with. More talk, less drinking perhaps. Brewing Review, the organ of the Brewers‘ Society- which is the national federation of all the brewers- published in its January 1986 issue some of the results of a MORI survey on attitudes and trends in pubs. There crystallize some of the assumptions which are being formed in the pub trade which underlie their whole attitude to women, and provide other useful information on the changing patterns of pub usage more generally. In 1973, roughly 20 per cent of women polled visited pubs once a week or more: by 1984 it had risen to about 27 per cent, but the figure has fluctuated throughout that period (in 1978
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it was 24 per cent, 1981 back down to 18 per cent).
Overall, then, in the last decade, there has been an increase in the frequency and regularity of women‘s visits to the pub, but not particularly dramatic or even consistent. Men in the same survey show a corresponding pattern of fluctuation (probably accounted for by economic recession, and inflation which hit a peak in 1981), but in 1984 roughly twice as many men (51 per cent) as women were visiting a pub more than once a week (and remember that, once there, they drank a lot more—and men were more likely to be the very frequent attenders so the ratio was a lot more than 2:1)
One interesting finding was that women are now more likely to have a local (52 per cent of women drinkers polled in 1984, 8 per cent up on 1981) which indicates that we are identifying as ―ours‖ certain pubs where we feel comfortable and ―at home‖. This trend, if it continues, would seem to indicate that women are being accepted as regulars in some pubs, although it implies that others will remain firmly fixed in their Women Keep Out ways. You‘d be going quite often to the Grave Maurices of the pub world while leaving the Lord Rodneys severely alone. The Stars and Garters would be visited at lunchtime but not in the evening, and the Hospital Taverns would be somewhere to go in a group but definitely not on your own. So in a good three-quarters of all pubs (probably more) men would have free access at all times while women were restricted-even if we were not that conscious of it.
Another point to come out of the survey, which is unsurprisingly
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given little prominence in Brewing Review, is that wine bars are becoming more and more popular (23 per cent of all those polled visited a wine bar in 1984). It is well known and even the brewers will reluctantly admit it, that the increasing popularity of wine bars has to a large extent been fostered by women as an alternative drinking venue to the pub. The atmosphere and layout of a wine bar, more upwardly mobile in atmosphere than most pubs, is also more comfortable- and a woman is not made to feel so available. As a recent development in drinks outlet, too, it does not have a long tradition of association with men-only drinking. Interestingly, the statistics for wine bars in this MORI survey is one of the few sets of data that are not broken down by gender. It would just be too glaringly obvious that wine bars can attract women.
Brigid McConville‘s book Women Under the Influence puts a different perspective on MORI survey evidence for women having their own local. It could be, she argues, that ―women‘s drinking habits are dictated by the men they associate with. A woman will inherit a new regular with a new man and when the relationship breaks up she disappears from the scene, losing contact with the whole group.‖ This certainly looks like part of the explanation—and indicates that for some women even the friendly local is theirs only as long as they are with the man who is the true member of that particular pub family. Without him, she loses that whole social network.
Of course, once in the pub there is pressure to drink alcohol,
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perhaps more than we really want to in some cases-but as Brigid McConville points out, women are not ―supposed to‖ be seen drunk in public, although it is fairly acceptable, even sometimes a matter of pride, for men. Women can, of course—and do—get drunk at home on their own. This simply reinforces our isolation and the idea of the public house as men‘s territory. Public drinking, as Brigid shows, is a part of male culture, and attitudes towards social drinking and drunkenness are shaped by male values. Even the etiquette of social drinking – each man buying his own round in a session lasting a couple of hours or more – tends to exclude women.
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Chapter III. Pub culture
Pubs, and the way people behave in them, for all their importance in social, political and cultural terms, have hardly been touched by academic observers. If you want anthropological studies about male exclusiveness, ritual and how male identity is formed by opposition to the female, then you‘re looking at extensive works on the cultures of the British pub (and bars in other western countries) are largely unrecorded and certainly not analyzed.
The brave exception, though, proves the rule. There are two important works available as we go to press: Ann Whitehead‘s twenty-month study of a rural pub in Herefordshire, and its importance in the community as a whole, and Valerie Hey‘s hard-hitting book Partriarchy and Pub Culture, which reviews the historical sources and puts forward some basic theories about how pub culture works – both inside the pub and in the community outside.
An important reason for the lack of studies about men‘s use of pubs is, of course, the problems that any woman has in quietly observing, or unobtrusively participating in the hardline male pub culture they are trying to study. Ann Whitehead found The Waggoner‘s regulars (all of them men) resented any woman‘s presence, and she was ―allowed‖ to stay only as an outsider and ―eccentric‖ under the protection of a friendly man: ―She‘s like a sister
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to me.‖ When women did come in, she witnessed some very threatening incidents of systematic verbal and sexual abuse. In Valerie Hey‘s case, she was prompted to study the way men‘s pub culture worked (as opposed to getting the hell out and finding more ―friendly places which most of us tend to do) by some bad experiences of her own. In one, she entered a strange pub to meet a male friend who‘d forgotten about the arrangement and was then subjected to the experience of being ―stranded like a liberal in the White House. A stranger, unwelcome.‖ She received unwelcome advances of the exaggeratedly drunken variety. ―Close encounters. I try to keep cool and sophisticated. I fail. Tell him to blankety-blank. The other male customers stare at me. How dare I spoil the fun! I leave, humiliated and irate.‖ Ouch … don‘t we all know what that feels like. And it works, practically every time. We don‘t go back there, which is the whole idea.
Another incident involved two groups of women, obviously well used to giving as good as they get verbally, in different rooms of another pub. One group is bothered by a comprehensively drunken man who pesters them persistently despite warnings: more important, perhaps, is that his companions won‘t intervene to stop him and accuse the women of causing the trouble. In the end the women win by getting rid of the drunk and his mates, but: ―A victory? I am emotionally drained, my quiet drink has become a battle of nerves …. We feel sickened.‖ They leave, as does the other group which has had if anything an even worse experience in the darts bar – again from a
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drunk man supported by his mates.
Valerie also has quite a lot of experience serving in these kinds of pubs which she draws on, together with some Victorian written sources and a Mass Observation study of pubs in Bolton, Lancashire, in 1938-1940 (involving male observers – who completely miss the meanings in terms of male-female antagonism of what they are describing).
Before the nineteenth century in Britain there were taverns, offering food, drink and perhaps a bed for travelers. These all-purpose centres became uneconomic and specialization occurred: hotels, restaurants, and the pubs. These, as we know them today, are a Victorian creation related especially to the social upheavals and distress of the industrial revolution. A retreat from back-breaking labour and appalling housing conditions, sick children, gross overcrowding, noise, arguments, cold and dirt (from which women, though, had no escape), the men‘s club for the new industrial working class. Pubs then sold much stronger brews than any available now. Here was the teeming street life brought indoors into warm, well-lit and comfortable buildings with vendors of food and almost anything coming in, money lenders and plenty of games: betting, newspapers, political meetings, sporting clubs and transport networks based on the pub – not to mention street and community gossip. And, for good measure, there were women available for paid sex in many of the pubs, where some landlords rented rooms for prostitution. They could be brothels as much as drinking places, especially those near army
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barracks or ports, or where there were large numbers of men who were too poor to set up a family or who were in the ―bachelor trades‖, forbidden by their employers to marry. Any woman in a pub, then and often now, was assumed to be ―available‖.
Even more crucial, perhaps, there was no alternative to the pub as a social and small business centre, apart from its exact opposite: temperance societies and chapel life (largely a women‘s world). The pub was, as Valerie Hey puts it, ―a masculine republic in every street‖, a men‘s playground as well as the hub of the social and public life of the community.
The women were only too aware of this divide. Their hostility to the pub, and the way that men would spend their wages on themselves there at the expense of their families, is well documented (and its formal expression is of course the temperance movement itself). The price paid by many women in their opposition to these male republics, in terms of physical violence and often rape when their husbands did come home from the pub, is also a matter of record.
The influence of the pubs on society in general is also very evident. Working-class organization and the growth of trade unions, closely linked with the public houses, were essentially a male domain as a result. The contrasts in wealth between men and women were greatly increased by the pub habit: it provided what Valerie hey describes as ―a male right of passage, a right to an exit out of the discomfort…. It enabled and enables men to enjoy better living
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standards at the expense of their wives.‖ Female and male interests were in head-on collision, very often. It is worth nothing, in passing, that in many Third World countries which are going through similar social breakdown in the name of ―development‖, male drinking habits are seen as the biggest problem by many of the women involved (and they are not short of other problems, needless to say). It is a problem that western male ―experts‖ have been very slow to perceive since it follows a pattern which they take for granted as a part of their own culture (which lies behind the whole male bias in allocating ―development‖ benefits in the first place).
Before moving on from the Victorian experience, it is worth nothing an important element in the pub culture of the time which persists very strongly in many working-class institutions and initiations: the idea that to prove his masculinity and therefore membership of the group and access to public life, a man had to drink a lot. The ability to drink deeply was seen as proof of masculinity itself; it was widely and (for the publican) conveniently believed that beer was an essential source of energy both for physical labour and for sex. Complex and secret customs, especially in the skilled crafts, marked what the anthropologists would call the initiation of an apprentice entering the rank of master craftsman, all of it depending on large amounts of drink and drunkenness. These rituals depend on humiliating and sometimes hurting the initiate, then welcoming him into the group – a use of psychological pressure well known to many traditional cultures and to the modern-day cults which are accused of
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―brainwashing‖ their young initiates into total loyalty.
And so to the observations of the late 1930s in Bolton, where many of the early Victorian traditions are clearly in place, although modified to suit the circumstances of several decades later. In some ways the pubs had been drastically changed – much weaker beer, less being drunk in total – but many important elements were the same. Apart from the religious sects, there was nowhere else to go other than the pub. It was still very much a male domain, apart from the barmaid and prostitutes. Wives were invited at weekends into a special room, the lounge, and they could occupy the ―snug‖, a small private bar which also figures in descriptions of some Victorian pubs. The editor of the Mass Observation study himself concludes that part of the pub‘s purpose is to be the place where ―men can meet and talk out of the way of their womenfolk‖.
There were many rooms marked or recognized as for men only, and sometimes areas within rooms, commonly at the bar and near the fire. The vault, absolutely taboo to women, was where men could do practically whatever they liked. The force of the custom and practice regulating male and female use of the pubs is evident in the fact that women challenge the system only when they are away from their home pubs. Men are obliged to join in the system whether they like it or not. One man admitted: ―My reason for drinking beer is to appear tough. I heartily detest the stuff but what would my pals say if I refused. They would call me a cissy.‖
Valerie Hey sees a tremendous fear from both sexes, but
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especially the men, about possible contamination by the opposite sex if they do not conform to the group‘s norm of behavior. It is men‘s insecurity about their sexuality, and their dependence for intimacy on the women they feel they need to despise, which is bound up in the deep antagonism they express towards women in general. This is often expressed in terms of contempt for the tarts or whores to be found in the pub itself (their own sexual partners). Valerie suggests that the relationship (which they initiate) has to be criminalized or made taboo not because it is that different from normal relationships with their wives, but precisely because it is so similar.
The role of the barmaid, sexy or otherwise, is also interesting: Valerie observes that as a very poorly-paid barmaid she was offered a drink by some men (which she took in cash form). The men then assumed that she would listen to their complaints about their wives, and generally offer a sympathetic and non-judgmental ear: ―a perfect construction of male fantasies – maternal and sexual, offering a safe pseudo-flirtation.‖
Finally, Mass Observation found that men ―brought‖ their wives and sometimes other female relatives to the pub lounge at weekends, and bought them drinks – another common feature of pub culture now. it meant the men could control what women did, where, and how much they could drink (the men often disappeared elsewhere to buy their own drinks). It reinforces the idea that a man is free to spend as much as he likes on himself while his wife has to wait until he decides to buy her something: so the imbalance between women‘s
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and men‘s spending power is very much a part of this transaction, and the pub convention that women do not buy their own drinks. The men, incidentally, were effectively required to spend a lot of time (and money) in the pub where the main topic of conversation was about (or more accurately, against) women and women‘s sexuality. And male control of it. ―Nights out with the boys‖ or regular stag nights (once a week is still common for many men) were an important part of separating men from the family and ignoring women‘s demands for joint responsibility. Instead of having to come to terms with a woman on an equal basis, with equal freedom to come and go, the man could be absent whenever demands become hard to deal with, and could be expected to do so regularly regardless of what was happening at home. This may now mean games with the lads, or in stag joints watching a woman strip, seeing porn videos, and generally slagging off women in sexually obscene ways. It matters on an individual, psychological level, but it is also required by the other man in the group: as one man quoted in the Mass Observation study put it, he was in the pub to show he was not under the thumb. ―I‘m not like some buggers, henpecked.‖
Of course, male freedom is the other side of women‘s confinement to the home. This can be through the lack of money to go out, or the fact that with him absent she has to be there for the children. It is reinforced by the same abusive pub-based talk about her if she does go out, especially in a fairly small community like the one studied in 1967 by Ann Whitehead in Herefordshire which shows
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very similar processes, men using the pub for social control of the women, to that observed by mass observation in Bolton. In Herefordshire going out was seen as evidence that a woman is a whore, and even women‘s organizations like the Women‘s Institute were the target of a constant stream of abuse from the men in the pub. It‘s not a pretty story, this pub question, when you look at it in any detail. The kind of study and explanations provided by Ann Whitehead and Valerie Hey are powerful reminders of a side of this society we live in which, for the sake of our self-esteem and peace of mind, we prefer to ignore or avoid. All women, I suggest, are familiar with the feeling of being stranded in a hostile group of men, often with the threat of whatever abuse or violence they may want to use if they don‘t like you being there or what you are doing, even though it may be what they take for granted for themselves. Participating in a conversation, picking up useful bits of information or perhaps jobs, relaxing with friends or a quiet drink on your own … forget it! If they treat you like a whore, that after all is what pub culture is all about. Does it matter? What do the mainstream pubs offer, after all, apart from having to drink a lot, being with some perhaps very boring companions who can‘t talk about themselves with any degree of honesty, and often not very comfortable or pleasant surroundings which may be dominated by the blast of loud music or the squawks of the computer games machine?
It does matter. Public houses are often, still, the only available public meeting places‖ trade union branches and local political party
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meetings are still held in the upper room of a pub more often than not. Many women, especially if they have never been before, find the idea of going into a strange pub and finding the room very off-putting – enough to keep many away. And many meetings held elsewhere, once they are formally ended, adjourn to a pub where those in the know (and who don‘t have to relieve babysitters or aren‘t too worried about the cost of a few drinks) get down to the real business of who‘s going to be proposed for what position, and what strategy can be adopted for pushing a particular point of view.
Pubs matter because they are, in many areas, still a very important source of hot tips – not just on which horse will be first past the post but on what jobs are going. As illustrated by the customer in The Star and Garter, a pub is often the place where casual jobs are to be found on a fairly regular basis. Certain pubs are also a source of information on where to find scarce housing for rent in the area. To say this is not to condone the practice, but to remind ourselves of the adaptability and usefulness of pubs in allowing ―unofficial‖ and often illegal transactions which, needless to say, are handled mainly by men.
Pubs matter too in terms of more regular kinds of activity: office gossip, what promotions are going, buying a useful colleague or boss a drink, deciding what we all think about so-and-so, or finding out useful bits of information about the job when it‘s very competitive and there is no formal training. Remember El Vino‘s and the tremendous fight by the management to keep women away from the
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bar? Well, the pubs of Fleet Street are of crucial importance in this kind of manoeuvring, and explaining to young trainee journalists the tricks of the trade – and its unwritten rules – as a study of the profession by Roger Smith has underlined.
As women in a man‘s world, we can‘t decide to move the kinds of transactions that take place in pubs to those few where we feel at ease (the Grave Maurices – and that unpublike name surely gives the game away). We have to enter the less congenial pubs, using the security of being with a group wherever possible. We have to have the kind of time available, especially after work or after meetings, that the men have (meaning: no responsibility for children or other family members). We have to be able to afford to buy our round, or accept favors when men buy us drinks which just reminds everybody of our different dependent status. These and other subtleties, which many men are hardly even aware of , mean that some of the women have to drop out of the work/social scene. Those who are left are isolated in a sea of men, unless they work in the few predominantly female jobs. And so we battle on.
Let me reiterate that of course not all pubs are the same. There are pubs we can even call our own local (through that is often conditional). But apart from the importance of pubs in many aspects of our lives, we should be aware of how the ―pub culture‖ of the male drinking operates – since this is also the basis for the many other male clubs and institutions to be surveyed in this book. Many of them are closed to women by far more rigid rules and formulas than even
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the worst of the pubs, often with an added barrier of secrecy designed to make us unaware that they even exist.
There is quite a lot of overlap between pub culture with its group of regulars and unwritten rules on one hand, and working men‘s clubs, Rotary and the elite men‘s clubs of London‘s West End on the other. In the pubs, one man or even a small group will often take it on himself to harass women who are intruding. In the working men‘s clubs, as we shall see later, the same kind of thing happens: a self-appointed group of male custodians write and rewrite the men-only rules to exclude women, and are allowed to do so by the other men, who are passive on the subject but will very rarely try to stop what is part of being a man, and to their advantage as well. In Rotary or the Freemasons, the rules are more fixed and there is a hard core of men – in Rotary and the Church of England – who will threaten to break up the organization rather than have women in it. In the West End clubs, the members don‘t even have to bother: it‘s the club servants who enforce the rules on the rare occasions where there are challenged.
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样本
Comment
本译文原文节选自英国女作家芭芭拉·罗杰斯MEN ONLY一书中关于
英国酒吧的一节。作者通过对伦敦东区一些具有代表性酒吧的暗访观察，并结合多年来各项相关民意调查以及史料档案分析，对20世纪80年代英国酒吧的现状、发展趋势，尤其是强硬极端的男权主义在酒吧文化中的重要地位以及运作方式进行了全面而深入的剖析，同时也揭示了当时女性在反抗性别歧视的斗争中所受到的来自社会各个方面的阻挠。
该文主要是为女性而写，描绘了女性眼中的男性组织，向女性们介绍了那些拒绝向女性敞开大门的男人们的世界的一些基本情况及其运作形式，揭示了男人是如何获取及握紧其手中的权力，通过制定社交场合的规矩惯例与潜规则来巩固男性在社会生活各方面的至高无上的地位以及对女性进行排斥，将女性禁锢于家庭。同时，作者也提出了有关女性在社会生活中面对种种不平等现象时所需要做的一些建议。
文章的语言简洁、诙谐、幽默并带有讽刺意味。在翻译的过程中，译者竭力使译文与原文保持风格、神韵上的一致，并通过将直译与意译两种基本翻译方法相结合，努力达到“信、达、雅”三个标准的统一。 在整个论文完成过程中，使我感受最深的就是文学翻译的艺术性。文学翻译是在忠实于原文的基础上再创造的艺术工作，不仅强调风格特色——因为这正是文学作品不可缺少的关键之一，没有风格的作品必然苍白无力、毫无生气。作为文学翻译，它必然也要力求传达出原著这种精神风貌，否则这种翻译是无意义的。另一方面，文学翻译也十分注重忠实准确。翻译不同于原创，其性质决定了它必须忠实准确地传达出原著的思想、情感
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继续教育处2002级毕业论文 男人的世界 张璇
与精神，而不能随心所欲、天马行空，因此有翻译是“戴着镣铐跳舞”这样的说法。但由于两种语言存在着很多差异，因此就需要进行调整，在保持神韵的准则下在语言上作些变通，要避免死译、硬译或翻译腔而违背原作的精神风貌，这就是文学翻译的再创作。有人说文学翻译是选择的艺术，的确如此。在翻译的时候，每时每刻都在进行选择，看哪个词、哪种句子更能完美地传达原文的内容和风格，从这点上来说，每一位翻译家应该都是一个完美主义者。
钱钟书曾经把文学翻译的最高标准概括为一个“化”字，即“把文学作品转变成另一国文字，既能不因语文习惯的差异而路出生硬牵强的痕迹，又能完全保存原有的风味”。我想，这种“化境”应该就是文学翻译中的最高境界了吧。
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继续教育处2002级毕业论文 男人的世界 张璇
样本
Notes
i本译文英文原文节选自Barbara Rogers, Men Only—An Investigation into Men‘s
Organizations: Part one Men‘s territory,1. Pubs, London, Pandora Press, 1988. 副标题为译者添加.
ii http://www.revu2005.com/bencandy.php?id=20975
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继续教育处2002级毕业论文 男人的世界 张璇
样本
Bibliography
1. 陈生保 2000年4月 《英汉翻译津指》 中国对外翻译出版公司 2. 陆乃圣 1993年7月 《英汉差异及翻译》 华东化工学院出版社 3. 吴瑾瑾主编 2005年1月 《实用英汉翻译》 复旦大学出版社
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样本
国际关系学院成人学历教育 专升本毕业论文评定表
（除“成绩”一栏外其余由学生填写）
一、论文基本情况 学生姓名 指导教师 论文题目 张璇 所在系、 专业、 班级 吴中东 论文完成 时间 继续教育处0201 2006年 6月1日 成绩 论文 字数 76 13800 男人的世界之全方位透视酒吧 论 文 提 要 译文原文选自英国女作家芭芭拉·罗杰斯Men Only 一书中关于英国酒吧的一节。 作者通过对伦敦东区一些具代表性酒吧的暗访观察，并结合多年来各项民意调查的数据以及史料档案分析，对20世纪80年代的英国酒吧的现状，发展趋势，尤其是强硬极端的男权主义在酒吧文化中的重要地位以及运作方式进行了全面而深入的剖析，同时也揭示了当时女性反抗性别歧视的斗争中受到各方面的阻挠。 文章的语言简洁,幽默,带有讽刺意味,翻译的过程中,译者尽力使译文与原文保持风格,神韵上的一致。 通过将直译与意译两种翻译方法相结合,努力做到信达雅三个标准相统一。 翻译实践需要译者要有从语言到文化认识及认同的较综合能力，只有在语符、语义、语用三个层次上争取最大的等值才能达到翻译的最高境界。
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二、指导教师评价意见（由论文指导教师和相关教师填写）(范本)
评价指标 1.选题意义 2.文献掌握程度 3.引用文献可靠 4.基本观点正确 5.写作规范 6.体现作者的专业功底 7.总体评价 对论文的学位水平评价 论文是否达到学士学位水平 合计得分 从论文整体水平的体现评价 从论文的写作方法与研究思路出发，考察其学术思路、水平、逻辑条理性等 √ 0.1 写作方法符合规定的写作规范 具体请参照规范的要求结合文字表述、文笔流畅程度、书写格式、语法等。 主要从论文写作所反映作者的专业功底、专业语言、思维逻辑等评价。标准为：优＝扎实；良＝比较扎实；合格＝基本掌握；差＝论文多处出现常识性错误。 观点的正确性、新颖性、独特性 √ 0.2 标准为：优＝正确；良＝基本正确；合格＝无错误；差＝不正确。 参考文献（资料）来源的可靠性 √ 0.1 论文参考文献（论文、论著）的丰富程度 √ 0.2 选题的理论或实践意义，以及论文对本论题及相关问题的综述 √ 0.1 优 良 合格 差 权重 得分 评价要素（参考标准，评阅人有权根据学术实际决定） 选题得当；学术意义或实践意义；论题明确、一目了然；论文在引言或者前言部分对论题的观点等进行概述（描述）。 标准为：优＝10篇以上；良＝7－9篇；合格＝4－6篇；差＝3篇以下。评价时可以视论文对同一作者的同类著述的引用情况多少决定。 对论文有关资料数据的运用和学术观点等引用情况判断。标准为：优＝真实，有引注；良＝真实，但引注大多为转引；合格＝真实，但无引注；差＝来源不明。 √ 0.2 √ 0.1 综合因素评价 是 否 评阅时间： 年 月 日
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指导教师综合评价意见 复审教师或答辩小组意见 系主任意见 签名： 年 月 日 注：1. 评分表中各项对应分值按如下标准计分：优≥90；90＞良≥75；75＞合格≥60；差＜60。评阅人在对应的空格内打勾，并按百分制结合各项全重计算分值，最后的合计得分应该是百分制分数。
2. “是”或“否”栏请直接在文字上划圈。
3、优秀论文答辩还需另填写《国际关系学院本科优秀毕业论文答辩记录表》。
签名： 年 月 日 教师签名： 年 月 日
二、指导教师评价意见（纯翻译论文专用，由论文指导教师和系主任填写）
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评价指标 1.选材意义 2.理解与传达（忠实/信） 选材的理论或实践意义 分值 10% 得分 6 评价要素（参考标准） 选题得当；有学术意义或实践意义 标准为：25 - 22＝理解准确，能够完整传达原文含义；17 - 21＝理解比较准确，能够较好传达原文含义；14 - 16＝基本能够准确理解和传达原文含义；14以下＝未能准确理解和传达原文含义。 标准为：25 - 22＝语言表达准确、流畅、自然，能够忠实再现原文语言风格；17 - 21＝语言表达较为准确、流畅、自然，基本能够再现原文语言风格；14 - 16＝语言表达基本准确，流畅、自然度稍弱，对原文语言风格把握较弱；14以下＝语言表达不准确，不够流畅、自然，未能再现原文语言风格。 对选材、翻译内容、翻译体会等的概括、总结准确，得当。 对译出语（原文）语言含义的理解和传达 25% 20 3.语言表达（达、雅） 译入语（译文）语言表达。包括是否准确、流畅 25% 20 4.评论综述 5.总体评价 对论文的学位水平评价 论文对选题及相关问题的评论综述，达到本科毕业生应有的写作水平 从论文整体水平的体现评价 论文是否达到学士学位水平 15% 12 10% 8 综合因素评价 是 / 否 合计得分 76 评阅时间： 2006 年 6 月9 日 指导教师综合评价意见 指导教师签字： 年 月 日 （请注明该学生是否可以获得学士学位） 系主任 系主任签字： 意见 年 月 日 注：
1. 纯翻译文章不参与优秀论文评选，最高合计得分不超过84分。
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2. ―是‖或―否‖栏请直接在文字上划圈。
3、此件为学生成绩单附件，一式二份，一份经由教务处交学生处进学生个人档案，一份随本手册由各系留存。
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